Glory and hope by nelson mandela analysis essay

Tweet Almost each one of Nelson Mandela's speeches, widely believed to be among the most inspirational addresses by world leaders in the past several decades, has been documented by the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory project. Here are excerpts from five of his most memorable speeches. He opened his arguments by saying he believed this was a "trial of the African people". In its proper meaning equality before the law means the right to participate in the making of the laws by which one is governed, a constitution which guarantees democratic rights to all sections of the population, the right to approach the court for protection or relief in the case of the violation of rights guaranteed in the constitution, and the right to take part in the administration of justice as judges, magistrates, attorneys-general, law advisers and similar positions.

Glory and hope by nelson mandela analysis essay

The Cape Indian Assembly, also against it? Well, the Cape Indian Assembly I do not know about. Well, you can take it from me that it is against it.

"Glory and Hope" by Nelson Mandela Analysis - Nelson mandela Free Essays

Now, of course, if the Group Areas Act is carried out in its present form, it means that a large number of Indian merchants would lose their trading rights in areas which have been declared White Areas?

And a large number of members of the Indian community who are living at the present moment in areas which might or have been declared as White Areas, would have to leave those homes, and have to go where they are to be stationed?

I think they will be better off than where. Yes, I know that. You say that the Indian merchant class in this country, who are going to lose their business rights, are happy about it? And you are saying that those members of the Glory and hope by nelson mandela analysis essay community who are going to be driven away from the areas where they are living at present would be happy to do so?

Yes, they would be. Moolla, I want to leave it at that, but just to say that you have lost your soul. Following the closure of the prosecution case against him, Mandela addressed the court. I am charged with inciting people to commit an offence by way of protest against the law, a law which neither I nor any of my people had any say in preparing.

The law against which the protest was directed is the law which established a republic in the Union of South Africa. I am also charged with leaving the country without a passport. This court has found that I am guilty of incitement to commit an offence in opposition to this law as well as of leaving the country.

But in weighing up the decision as to the sentence which is to be imposed for such an offence, the court must take into account the question of responsibility, whether it is I who is responsible or whether, in fact, a large measure of the responsibility does not lie on the shoulders of the government which promulgated that law, knowing that my people, who constitute the majority of the population of this country, were opposed to that law, and knowing further that every legal means of demonstrating that opposition had been closed to them by prior legislation, and by government administrative action.

The starting point in the case against me is the holding of the conference in Pietermaritzburg on 25 and 26 March last year [], known as the All-in African Conference, which was called by a committee which had been established by leading people and spokesmen of the whole African population, to consider the situation which was being created by the promulgation of the republic in the country, without consultation with us, and without our consent.

That conference unanimously rejected the decision of the government, acting only in the name of and with the agreement of the white minority of this country, to establish a republic. It is common knowledge that the conference decided that, in place of the unilateral proclamation of a republic by the white minority of South Africans only, it would demand in the name of the African people the calling of a truly national convention representative of all South Africans, irrespective of their colour, black and white, to sit amicably round a table, to debate a new constitution for South Africa, which was in essence what the government was doing by the proclamation of a republic, and furthermore, to press on behalf of the African people, that such new constitution should differ from the constitution of the proposed South African Republic by guaranteeing democratic rights on a basis of full equality to all South Africans of adult age.

The conference had assembled, knowing full well that for a long period the present National Party Government of the Union of South Africa had refused to deal with, to discuss with, or to take into consideration the views of, the overwhelming majority of the South African population on this question.

And, therefore, it was not enough for this conference just to proclaim its aim, but it was also necessary for the conference to find a means of stating that aim strongly and powerfully, despite the government's unwillingness to listen.

Accordingly, it was decided that should the government fail to summon such a National Convention before 31 Mayall sections of the population would be called on to stage a general strike for a period of three days, both to mark our protest against the establishment of a republic, based completely on white domination over a non-white majority, and also, in a last attempt to persuade the government to heed our legitimate claims, and thus to avoid a period of increasing bitterness and hostility and discord in South Africa.

At that conference, an Action Council was elected, and I became its secretary. It was my duty, as secretary of the committee, to establish the machinery necessary for publicising the decision of this conference and for directing the campaign of propaganda, publicity, and organisation which would flow from it.

The court is aware of the fact that I am an attorney by profession and no doubt the question will be asked why I, as an attorney who is bound, as part of my code of behaviour, to observe the laws of the country and to respect its customs and traditions, should willingly lend myself to a campaign whose ultimate aim was to bring about a strike against the proclaimed policy of the government of this country.

In order that the court shall understand the frame of mind which leads me to action such as this, it is necessary for me to explain the background to my own political development and to try to make this court aware of the factors which influenced me in deciding to act as I did.

Many years ago, when I was a boy brought up in my village in the Transkei, I listened to the elders of the tribe telling stories about the good old days, before the arrival of the white man.

Then our people lived peacefully, under the democratic rule of their kings and their amapakati, and moved freely and confidently up and down the country without let or hindrance. Then the country was ours, in our own name and right.

We occupied the land, the forests, the rivers; we extracted the mineral wealth beneath the soil and all the riches of this beautiful country.

We set up and operated our own government, we controlled our own armies and we organised our own trade and commerce. The elders would tell tales of the wars fought by our ancestors in defence of the fatherland, as well as the acts of valour performed by generals and soldiers during those epic days.

The names of Dingane and Bambata, among the Zulus, of Hintsa, Makana, Ndlambe of the AmaXhosa, of Sekhukhuni and others in the north, were mentioned as the pride and glory of the entire African nation.

I hoped and vowed then that, among the treasures that life might offer me, would be the opportunity to serve my people and make my own humble contribution to their freedom struggles.

The structure and organisation of early African societies in this country fascinated me very much and greatly influenced the evolution of my political outlook. The land, then the main means of production, belonged to the whole tribe, and there was no individual ownership whatsoever.

There were no classes, no rich or poor and no exploitation of man by man. All men were free and equal and this was the foundation of government. Recognition of this general principle found expression in the constitution of the council, variously called Imbizo, or Pitso, or Kgotla, which governs the affairs of the tribe.

Glory and hope by nelson mandela analysis essay

The council was so completely democratic that all members of the tribe could participate in its deliberations.“Glory and Hope” by Nelson Mandela Analysis Nelson Mandela gave a speech at his inauguration as president of the Democratic Republic of South Africa on May 10, His speech is named “Glory and Hope”, which hints at the content of it.

11/2: Short reading #2 (“Glory and Hope” by Nelson Mandela). Review history of apartheid, racism, and Review history of apartheid, racism, and racial oppression. What do the words “glory” and “hope” mean?

How does the title of the speech connect with the ideas that Mandela conveys? Basing your answer on Mandela’s speech, what do you think was the new leader’s greatest challenge? On May 10, , Nelson Mandela was elected South Africa’s first black President, in that country’s first truly democratic election.

Before his presidency, Mandela was an anti-apartheid activist and as a direct result ended up spending twenty-seven years in prison. - Nelson Mandela Nelson Mandela is an African American leader who fought for the rights of his people.

Through trials and tribulations he stood his ground and kept on fighting. Nelson was a born leader and utilized his talents at an early age.

If you are searched for the ebook Hope and Glory: Essays on the Legacy of the 54th Massachusetts Regiment in pdf format, then you have come on to the correct website.

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